by: Vandana Shiva
The economic, ecological and social crises resulting from corporate
globalization are inviting us to a new way of thinking and being on this planet. A
new worldview in which it is not greed but compassion that is globalized; a new
consciousness in which we are not reduced to consumers of globally traded
commodities, but see ourselves as planetary beings with a planetary consciousness,
mindful of what our actions and our consumption cost to other humans, other
species and future generations. A physicist and social activist from India, Vandana
Shiva presented this paper at the keynote event of the 2004 WARC general council.
Humanity seems to be in free fall towards disaster. The unfolding destruction is
militaristic, political, cultural, ecological and economic. We witness violence and war on
a global scale, justified sometimes as a clash of civilizations, sometimes as a war against
terror or an “axis of evil”. Terrorism, fundamentalism, violence and war spread
like a planetary contagion.
Democracy is being eroded and undermined in every society. Biodiversity,
water resources and ecosystems are under assault by a predatory global economy, with
no limits to its reach, its exploitation of nature’s wealth, or its use of violence and
coercion to appropriate resources from communities. The rise of terrorism,
fundamentalism and police states A new politics of hatred and intolerance
is arising from growing economic insecurity and a sense of shrinking space for survival.
Representative democracy loses its base in economic democracy as decisions move out
of countries into the boardrooms of global corporations and into global institutions like
the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization
(WTO). Politicians, robbed of the power to ensure that people’s basic needs are
provided for, move to political agendas of exclusion to garner votes and stay in office. The forces unleashed by globalization are killing democracy along with people’s economic security.
Democracy emptied of economic freedom and ecological freedom Over the past two decades, I have witnessed conflicts over development and conflicts over natural resources mutate into
communal conflicts, culminating in extremism and terrorism. My book Violence
of the Green Revolution was an attempt to
understand the ecology of terrorism. The lessons I have drawn from the growing but
diverse expressions of fundamentalism and terrorism are the following: Undemocratic economic systems that centralize control over decision-making and resources and displace people from
productive employment and livelihoods create a culture of insecurity. Every policy
decision is translated into the politics of “we” and “they”. “We” have been unjustly
treated; “they” have gained privileges. Globalization is creating a global culture of
insecurity. The destruction of resource rights and the erosion of democratic control of natural
resources, the economy, and means of production undermine cultural identity. With
identity no longer coming from the positive experience of being a farmer, a craftsperson,
a teacher or a nurse, culture is reduced to a negative shell where one identity is in
competition with the “other” over scarce resources that define economic and political
power. Positive identities mutate into negative identities – “I” am not the “other”,
and annihilation and extinction of the other
is necessary for my security and survval. Centralized economic systems also erode
the democratic base of politics. In a
democracy, the economic agenda is the political agenda. When the economic agenda is hijacked by the World Bank, the IMF or the WTO, democracy is undermined. The only cards left in the hands of politicians eager to garner votes are those of race, religion and ethnicity. The result is
fundamentalism, which fills the vacuum left by a decaying democracy. Economic
globalization fuels economic insecurity, eroding cultural diversity and identity, and assaulting the political freedoms of citizens. It provides fertile ground for the cultivation
of fundamentalism and terrorism. Instead of integrating people, it tears communities
apart.
Rejuvenating, deepening and widening democracy has become a survival imperative
for the human species. Reinventing freedom in our time requires freedom from fear,
freedom from violence, freedom from denial of basic needs, and freedom from nonsustainable
and unethical patterns of production, trade and consumption. Instead of addressing the root causes of terrorism and fundamentalism in the growth of economic insecurity and the
collapse of economic democracy by ensuring that people’s needs are met and their
livelihoods protected, states across the world are making laws to shut down
democracy and freedom in the name of fighting terror.
The Patriot Act in the US, the Prevention
of Terrorism Act in India, or the Anti-
Terrorism, Crime and Security Act in the
UK – these new laws created after Sept 11
2001 are not just laws against terrorists. They
are laws against citizens’ democratic
defence of their fundamental freedoms,
which are being trampled upon by the forces
of globalization.
Fear and violence have come to dominate
our lives. Rule through fear and violence is
becoming the dominant mechanism for
117
governance. In another period, it would have
been described as the rise of fascism, with
the totalitarianism of corporate control over
markets combining with the totalitarianism
of militarized states, taking away from
people their fundamental rights and
freedoms.
A great leap backwards? Globalization
was projected as the next great leap of
human evolution in a linear forward march
from tribes to nations to global markets.
Our identities and context were to move
from the national to the global, just as in
the earlier phase of state-driven
development they were supposed to have
moved from the local to the national.
Deregulated commerce and corporate
rule were offered as the alternative to
centralized bureaucratic control under
communist regimes and state-dominated
economies. Markets were offered as an
alternative to states for regulating our lives,
not just our economies.
As the globalization project has unfolded,
it has exposed its bankruptcy at the
philosophical, political, ecological and
economic levels. The bankruptcy of the
dominant world order is leading to social,
political, economic and ecological nonsustainability,
with economies, societies and
ecosystems disintegrating and breaking
down.
The privatization of resources
The philosophical and ethical
bankruptcy of globalization stems from
reducing all aspects of our lives to
commodities and shrinking our identities
to that of consumers in a global marketplace.
Our capacities as producers, our identity as
members of communities, our role as
custodians of our natural and cultural
heritage are all to disappear or be destroyed.
Two-thirds of humanity depend on
natural resources for their livelihoods and
meeting basic needs. They live in an
economy with land, water and biodiversity
as their primary capital, their means of
production, their economic security.
Ecological destruction, erosion, pollution, or
privatization of these vital resources
translates into poverty and underdevelopment.
Globalization is deepening
poverty and underdevelopment by robbing
the poor of their sources of livelihood in
land, water and living resources.
Corporate globalization is enabling
corporations to steal from the poor their
last resources, their seeds and biodiversity,
their food and water, their land and forests.
And as predatory and non-sustainable
models of economic development spread
worldwide, species are pushed to extinction,
rivers and glaciers are disappearing, and
millions are uprooted from their homes and
displaced.
Water is privatized, biodiversity and
genetic resources are patented and land is
taken over by force for industry, mines,
highways and ports.
The case of India Gandhi rejuvenated
the concept of swaraj (self-rule) as a core
118
element of freedom. Movements in postindependent
India struggled to enshrine
deep democracy in the constitution.
For instance, India passed the Provisions
of Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled
Areas) Act, 1996,2 recognizing the local
community in tribal areas as the highest
authority in matters of culture, resources,
and conflict resolution. For the first time
since India’s independence, village
communities (gram sabhas) were granted
legal acknowledgment as community
entities. Village communities retained a
number of powers, including the power to
approve or reject development plans and
programmes. Gram sabhas were also given
the authority to grant land.
The Extension Act accepted the
traditions of the people and their cultural
identity by honouring their traditional
relationship with the natural resources in
their homeland. As the law stated, “all state
legislation on the panchayats that may be
made shall be in consonance with the
customary law, social and religious practices
and traditional management practices of
community resources.”
Control over community resources was
recognized as not only an economic
necessity but a touchstone of cultural
identity: “Every gram sabha shall be
competent to safeguard and preserve the
traditions and customs of the people, their
cultural identity, community resources and
the customary mode of dispute resolution.”
After the natural rights of the community
to self-governance, including command over
resources, were enshrined in the
constitution through the Extension Act, it
was expected that the unfortunate
confrontation between the tribal people and
the state, which ironically took a new turn
after independence, would cease.
The Land Acquisition Act (1894) is the
most dreaded and draconian relic of British
rule and has been responsible for uprooting
not less than 30 million people after
independence, more than half of them
being tribals. As a result of the Extension
Act, however, consultation with the gram
sabha, the assembly of the people, is now a
constitutionally mandated precondition
before starting land acquisition.
With honourable exceptions, the rulers
in India – both civil servants and political
executives – have not taken kindly to these
provisions that make the gram sabha
fundamental in governance at the village
level. Most of the central and state laws
remain to be suitably adapted. In the case
of land acquisition, since the mandate is
specific, guidelines for consultation have
been issued by the union government and
also framed by some state governments.
This democratic process was
scandalously subverted in Nagarnar, Bastar
District, Chhattisgarh, where the state
government proposed to allow the National
Mineral Development Corporation (NMDC)
to acquire land to build a steel plant.3 The
four gram sabhas concerned rejected the
proposal, but their dissent was converted
into assent by destroying the accounts of
their proceedings and preparing false records.
119
The National Commission for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes, on the basis
of an enquiry under Article 338 of the
constitution, came to the conclusion that
senior officers, including the District
Collector and the Chief Executive of the
NMDC, had conspired to commit criminal
offences. The National Commission found
that in the absence of mandatory
consultation, the land acquisition was ab
initio null and void, but its recommendations
were not even acknowledged.
Other guidelines also have not been
followed. No application for environmental
clearance was made before the land was
acquired. An untried technology that
involves the manufacture, storage and use
of carbon monoxide is being used. This raises
several questions about the proposed plant.
The four gram sabhas scheduled a joint
assembly in March 2002 to discuss the plant
and invited the state and NMDC officials to
dialogue with them. The officials did not
respond. On the contrary, hooligans blocked
all the routes to Nagarnar and hundreds of
those invited, mostly women, were beaten
up. National figures, like Sarvoday leader
Siddraj Dhaddha, Dada Tukaram
Geetacharya (a great saint), the senior
journalist Manimala and I were also invited
but were refused permission to attend and
forced to go back.
Breaking all the conventions of civil
dialogue, terror was let loose on the people,
forcing them to accept cheques in
compensation for the land or face brutal
beatings and jail. The NMDC forcibly took
possession of land on the strength of an
award that was manipulated through
criminal deeds. A reign of terror prevails ever
since.
This is just one of many examples.
In Orissa, one of the poorest Indian
states, the World Bank and the UK
Department for International Development
(DFID) are using northern taxpayers’ money
to privatize irrigation water, which now costs
10 times more than before and is destroying
agriculture, the only livelihood of the poor.4
In Delhi, a $2.5 million World Bank loan
for water privatization has largely financed
the consultancy fees of an international
accounting firm, Price Waterhouse.
The Trade-Related Intellectual Property
Rights Agreement (TRIPS) is privatizing the
biological and genetic commons through
patents.5 We have had to struggle over years
in the courts, in society, and in the corridors
of power to have the patents on Neem and
Basmati revoked.6
“Lives” and “live nots”
Globalization is rewriting our
relationship with the earth and her species,
alienating land, water and biodiversity from
local communities, transforming commons
into commodities to be traded freely for
profit – with total indifference to the ethical,
ecological and economic impacts of this
commodification of life.
Globalization is a break from all earlier
stages of human relationship with the earth
and her resources. It is based on enclosure
of the remaining ecological commons –
120
biodiversity, water and air – and the
destruction of local economies on which
people’s livelihoods and economic security
depend. The transformation of commons
to commodities is ensured through shifts in
governance and through new property rights
built into WTO trade agreements that
transform people’s resources into corporate
monopolies. Decision-making is taken away
from communities and countries and given
to global institutions. Rights move from
people to corporations through increasingly
centralized and unaccountable states acting
on the principle of eminent domain – the
absolute sovereignty of the ruler. Instead of
acting on the doctrine of public trust and
principles of democratic accountability and
subsidiarity, governments usurp power from
parliaments, regional and local
governments, and local communities.
• The TRIPs agreement was based on
central governments hijacking the rights to
biodiversity and knowledge from
communities and assigning them as
monopoly rights to corporations.
• The Agreement on Agriculture was
based on taking decisions away from farming
communities and regional governments.
• The General Agreement on Trade in
Services (GATS) takes decisions and
ownership over water from the local and
public domain to the privatized, global
domain.
This undemocratic process of
privatization and deregulation has
concentrated power and ownership, has
fuelled corruption, and has led to economic
and political bankruptcy. The old
polarization of “haves and have nots” is
mutating into a new polarization of “lives
and live nots” as the very basis and fabric of
life is commodified and privatized.
State sovereignty by itself is not a
sufficient counterweight to corporate
globalization. The reinvention of sovereignty
has to be based on the reinvention of the
state so that the state is made accountable
to the people. Sovereignty cannot reside only
in centralized state structures, nor does it
disappear when the protective functions of
the state with respect to its people start to
wither away. The new partnership of
national sovereignty needs empowered
communities that assign functions to the
state for their protection.
Communities defending themselves
always demand such duties and obligations
from state structures. On the other hand,
transnational corporations and
international agencies promote the
separation of community interests from
state interests and the fragmentation and
division of communities.
Earth democracy: beyond the rule
of terror and greed
We need once more to feel at home on
the earth and with each other. We need a
new paradigm to respond to the
fragmentation caused by various forms of
fundamentalism. We need a new
movement that allows us to move from the
dominant and pervasive culture of violence,
destruction and death to a culture of non121
violence, creative peace and life. That is why
in India we started the Earth Democracy
movement.
Earth democracy embodies principles
that enable us to transcend the polarization,
divisions and exclusions that pit the
economy against ecology, development
against the environment, people against the
planet, and people against one another in a
new culture of hate.
Earth democracy recontextualizes
humans as members of the Earth family
(Vasudhaiva Kutumbkam), and as members
of diverse cultures in the mosaic of cultural
diversity that enriches our lives.
Re-embedding humans in the ecological
matrix of biological and cultural diversity
reopens spaces for sustainability, justice and
peace by reorganizing relationships,
restructuring constellations of power and
revitalizing freedom and democracy.
We are being ruled by terror and greed,
fear and insecurity. As we face the double
closure of corporate globalization and
militarized police states, our challenge is to
reclaim our freedoms and the freedoms of
our fellow beings. The Earth Democracy
movement embodies two indivisibilities and
continuums. The first is the continuum of
freedom for all life on earth, and for all
humans, without discrimination on the basis
of gender, race, religion, class and species.
The second is the indivisibility of justice,
peace and sustainability – without
sustainability and just sharing of the earth’s
bounties there is no justice, and without
justice there can be no peace.
Corporate globalization ruptures these
continuities. It establishes corporate rule
through a policy of divide and rule, and
creates competition and conflict between
different species and peoples and between
different aims. It transforms diversity and
multiplicity into oppositional differences, by
breeding fundamentalisms through
spreading insecurity and then using these
fundamentalisms to shift people’s focus from
sustainability and justice and peace to
ethnic and religious conflict and violence.
Earth democracy is democracy for all life,
not just humans – and definitely not just
humans privileged through class, race,
gender and religion.
Since other species do not vote, cannot
lobby, and have no purchasing power in the
marketplace, earth democracy creates an
obligation on us as humans to take their
wellbeing into account.7 This defines our
human responsibility as trustees and
stewards, instead of the dominant notion
of mastery, control and ownership.
Earth democracy privileges diversity in
nature and society in form and in function.
When the intrinsic worth and value of every
life form and every human is recognized,
biological diversity and cultural diversity
flourish. Monocultures result from exclusion
and dominance of species, one variety, one
race, one religion. Monocultures are an
indication of coercion and loss of freedom.
Freedom implies diversity. Diversity signifies
freedom.
Earth democracy also nourishes diversity
by going beyond the logic of exclusion, of
122
apartheid, of “us” and “them”, of “either/or”,
of the law of the excluded middle. It is in the
included middle that diversity and creativity
flourish in nature and in culture.
The law of the included middle also
implies multifunctionality, the logic of “and”,
instead of “either/or”. It transcends the false
polarization of wild vs cultivated, of nature
vs culture, and even the false clash of
cultures. It allows for the forest farm and
the farmed forest. It recognizes that
biodiversity can be preserved and also
support human needs.
A myth promoted by the onedimensional
monoculture paradigm is that
biodiversity reduces yields and productivity,
and monocultures increase yields and
productivity. However, since yields and
productivity are theoretically constructed
terms, they change according to the context.
Yields usually refer to production per unit
area of a single crop. Planting only one crop
in the entire field as a monoculture will of
course increase its yield. Planting multiple
crops in a mixture will have low yields of
individual crops, but will have high total
output of food.
Earth democracy puts responsibility and
duties at the core of our relationships, with
rights flowing from responsibility instead of
the dominant paradigm of rights without
responsibility and responsibility without
rights. The separation of rights and
responsibility is at the root of ecological
devastation and gender, class inequality.
Corporations that earn profits from the
chemical industry or from genetic pollution
resulting from genetically modified (GM)
crops do not have to bear the burden of
their pollution. The social and ecological
costs are externalized and borne by others
who are excluded from diecisions and from
benefits.
Earth democracy is based on those who
pay the price having a say. This creates the
need for direct or basic democracy. This
implies decisions moving downwards, from
global institutions and centralized
governments to local communities, and
implies a shift in iour interpretation of
sovereignty.
The global, for us, must strengthen the
local andj national, not undermine it. The
two tendencies that we demand of the
economic system – localization and
alternatives – need to be central to people’s
politics. Without them, forces for change
cannot be mobilized.
At the heart of building alternatives and
localizing economic and political systems is
the recovery of the commons and the
reclaiming of community. The Living
Democracy movement is reclaiming people’s
sovereignty and community rights to natural
resources.
Rights to natural resources are natural
rights. They are not given by states, nor can
they be extinguished by states, the WTO, or
by corporations, even though under
globalization, attempts are being made to
alienate people’s rights to vital resources of
land water and biodiversity.
This shift is also an ecological imperative.
As members of the earth family – Vasudhaiva
123
Kutumbhakam8 – we have a share in the
earth’s resources. Rights to natural resources
for needs of sustenance are natural rights.
They are not given or assigned. They are
recognized or they are ignored. The eminent
domain principle inevitably leads to “all for
some” – corporate monopolies over
biodiversity through patents, corporate
monopolies on water through privatization
and corporate monopolies over food through
free trade.
The most basic right we have as a
species is survival, the right to life. Survival
requires guaranteed access to resources.
Commons provide that guarantee.
Privatization and enclosures destroy it.
Localization is necessary for recovery of the
commons. And earth democracy is the
movement to relocate our minds, our
production systems and consumption
patterns from the poverty-creating global
markets to the sustainability and sharing of
the earth community. This shift from global
markets to earth citizenship is a shift of
focus from globalization to localization of
power from corporations to citizens.
Earth democracy is about life, and
natural rights to the conditions of staying
alive. It is everyday life and decisions and
freedoms related to everyday living – the
food we eat, the clothes we wear, the water
we drink. It is not just about elections and
casting votes once in three or four or five
years. It is a permanently vibrant
democracy. It combines economic
democracy with political democracy and
ecological democracy. It creates positive
economies, positive politics, positive
identities. It creates security.
Earth democracy is not dead, it is alive.
Under globalization, democracy even of the
shallow representative kind is dying.
Governments everywhere are betraying the
mandates that brought them to power. They
are centralizing authority and power, both
by subverting democratic structures of
constitutions and by promulgating
ordinances that stifle civil liberties. The Sept
11 tragedy has become a convenient excuse
for anti-people legislation worldwide.
Politicians everywhere are turning to
xenophobic and fundamentalist agendas to
get votes in a period when economic
agendas have been taken away from
national levels and are being set by the
World Bank, the IMF, the WTO and global
corporations.
The earth democracy movement is about
living rather than dead democracy.
Democracy is dead when governments no
longer reflect the will of the people but are
reduced to unaccountable instruments of
corporate rule under the constellation of
corporate globalization as the Enron and
Chiquita cases make so evident.
Corporate globalization is centred on
corporate profits. Earth democracy is based
on maintaining life on earth and freedom
for all species and people.
Corporate globalization operates to
create rules for the global, national and local
markets that privilege global corporations
and threaten diverse species, the livelihoods
of the poor and small, local producers and
124
businesses. Earth democracy operates
according to the ecological laws of nature,
and limits commercial activity to prevent
harm to other species and to people.
Corporate globalization is exercised
through centralizing, destructive power.
Earth democracy is exercised through
decentralized power and peaceful
coexistence.
Corporate globalization globalizes greed
and consumerism. Living democracy
globalizes compassion, caring and sharing.
The economic, ecological and social
crises resulting from corporate globalization
are inviting us to a new way of thinking and
being on this planet. A new worldview in
which it is not greed but compassion that is
globalized; a new consciousness in which
we are not reduced to consumers of globally
traded commodities, but see ourselves as
planetary beings with a planetary
consciousness, mindful of what our actions
and our consumption cost other humans,
other species and future generations.
Earth democracy offers a new way of
seeing and being earth citizens, through
which we can create peace, sustainability
and justice in our volatile and violent
times.
Earth democracy: principles
1. Ecological democracy – We are all
members of the earth community. We all
have the duty to protect the rights and
welfare of all species and all people. No
humans have the right to encroach on
the ecological space of other species and
other people, or treat them with cruelty
and violence.
2. Intrinsic worth of all species and
peoples – All species, humans and cultures
have intrinsic worth. They are subjects, not
objects of manipulation or ownership. No
humans have the right to own other species,
other people or the knowledge of other
cultures through patents and other
intellectual property rights.
3. Diversity in nature and culture –
Defending biological and cultural diversity
is a duty of all people. Diversity is an end in
itself, a value, a source of richness both
material and cultural.
4. Natural rights to sustenance – All
members of the earth community, including
all humans, have the right to sustenance –
to food and water, to safe and clean habitat,
to security of ecological space. These rights
are natural rights, they are birthrights given
by the fact of existence on earth and are
best protected through community rights
and commons. They are not given by states
or corporations, nor can they be
extinguished by state or corporate action.
No state or corporation has the right to erode
or undermine these natural rights or enclose
the commons that sustain all through
privatization or monopoly control.
5. Earth democracy and living
economy – Economic systems in earth
democracy protect ecosystems and their
integrity, they protect people’s livelihoods
and provide basic needs to all. In the earth
economy there are no disposable or
dispensable species or people. The earth
125
economy is a living economy. It is based on
sustainable, diverse, pluralistic systems that
protect nature and people, are chosen by
people, for the benefit of the common good.
6. Living economies are built on local
economies – Conservation of the earth’s
resources and creation of sustainable and
satisfying livelihoods are most caringly,
creatively, efficiently and equitably achieved
at the local level. Localization of economies
is a social and ecological imperative. Only
goods and services that cannot be produced
locally, using local resources and local
knowledge, should be produced non-locally
and traded long distances. Earth democracy
is based on vibrant, resilient local economies
that support national and global economies.
The global economy does not crush and
destroy local economies.
7. Living democracy – Earth democracy
is based on local living democracy with local
communities, organized on principles of
inclusion and diversity and ecological and
social responsibility, having the highest
authority on decisions related to the
environment and natural resources and to
the sustenance and livelihoods of people.
Authority is delegated to more distant levels
of governance on the principle of subsidiarity.
Earth democracy is living democracy.
8. Living knowledge – Earth democracy
is based on earth-centred and communitycentred
knowledge systems. Living
knowledge is knowledge that maintains and
renews living processes and contributes to
the health of the planet and people. It is
also living knowledge in that it is embedded
in nature and society. It is not abstract,
reductionist and anti-life. Living knowledge
is a commons: it belongs collectively to
communities that create it and keep it alive.
All humans have a duty to share knowledge.
No person or corporation has a right to
enclose, monopolize, patent, or exclusively
own as intellectual property, living
knowledge.
9. Balancing rights with responsibility
–In earth democracy, rights are derived from
and balanced with responsibility. Those who
bear the consequences of decisions and
actions are the decision-makers.
10. Globalizing peace, care and
compassion – Earth democracy connects
people in circles of care, cooperation and
compassion instead of dividing them through
competition and conflict. Earth democracy
globalizes compassion, not greed, and peace,
not war.
126
1 Vandana Shiva, Violence of the Green
Revolution: Third world agriculture, ecology
and politics (London/New York/Penang:
Zed Books/Third World Network, 1991).
2 Henceforth, the Extension Act. A
panchayat is an elected body representing
one or several villages. A gram sabha is the
general assembly of the village, composed
of all the adult residents. The Constitution
(Seventy-third Amend- ment) Act, 1992, set
up a three-tier structure of panchayats at
village, intermediate and district levels, with
gram sabhas at the village level; the 1996
act extended these provisions to the tribal
areas of states such as Chhattisgarh and
Madhya Pradesh (Schedule V areas). [Ed]
3 Formerly part of Madhya Pradesh state,
Chhattisgarh became a separate state on
November 1 2000.
4 See further on this subject, Vandana
Shiva,
Water Wars: Privatization, Pollution and
Profit (London: Pluto Press, 2002).
5 The WTO’s Agreement on Trade-Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights,
negotiated in the 1986-94 Uruguay Round,
introduced intellectual property rules into
the multilateral trading system for the first
time. See Vandana Shiva, Patents: Myths
and reality (New Delhi: Penguin Books India,
2001), republished as Protect or Plunder?
Understanding intellectual property rights
(London: Zed Books, 2001).
6 See further, Vandana Shiva, Stolen Harvest:
The hijacking of the global food supply
(Cambridge MA: South End Press, 1999;
London: Zed Books, 2000).
7 As His Holiness the Dalai Lama said on
his 60th birthday, “All beings have a right to
wellbeing and happiness. We have a duty to
ensure their wellbeing.”
8 “The whole world is one family.”
Notes
